venturi_brown_learning_from_las_vegas.pdf

LEARNING FROM LAS VEGAS: THE FORGO'rI'EN SYMBOUSM

OF ARCHITECTURAL FORM

Robert Venturi Denise Scott Brown

Steven Izenour

The MIT Press Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England

Washington Univer~jt1 .Art &. Arch. Libr!!!'" Steinberg Ho.l1 st. Lou1s. Mo. 63130

Copyright e1977, 1972 by The Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Originally published as Learning from Las Vegas

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, elec· tronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and re­trieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

This book was set in IBM Composer Baskerville by Techdata Associates, printed on R&E Book by Murray Printing Comp.:.ny, and bound by Murray Printing Company in the United States of America.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Venturi, Robert. Learning from Las Vegas.

Bibliography: p. 1. Architecture-Nevada-Las Vegas. 2. Symbolism in architecture. I. Scott Brown, Denise,

1931- ,joint author. II. Izenour, Steven, joint author. III. Title. NA735.L3V4 1977 720'.9793'13 77-1917 ISBN 0-262-22020-2 (hardcover) ISBN 0·262·72006·X (paperback)

TO ROBERT SCOTT BROWN, 1931-1959

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i CONTENTS

l I PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION xi

PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION xv

PART I A SIGNIFICANCE FOR A&P PARKING LOTS, OR LEARNING FROM LAS VEGAS

v/Symbol in Space before Form in Space: Las Vegas as a

The Architecture of Persuasion – 9

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/ A Significance for A&P Parking Lots, or Learning from Las Vegas 3 Commercial Values and Commercial Methods 3 Billboards Are Almost All Right 6 Architecture as Space 6

Architecture as Symbol 7

Communication System 8

Vast Space in the Historical Tradition and at the A&P 13

V From Rome to Las Vegas 18 Maps of Las Vegas 19

V Main Street and the Strip 19 System and Order on the Strip 20

r Change and Permanence on the Strip 34

The Architecture of the Strip 34

The Interior Oasis 49 Las Vegas Lighting 49 Architectural Monumentality and the Big Low Space 50 Las Vegas Styles 50 Las Vegas Signs 51 Inclusion and the Difficult Order 52 Image of Las Vegas: Inclusion and Allusion in Architecture 53

STUDIO NOTES 73

PART II UGLY AND ORDINARY ARCHITECTURE, OR THE DECORATED SHED

SOME DEFINITIONS USING THE COMPARATIVE METHOD 87 X,- The Duck and the Decorated Shed 88

Decoration on the Shed 89

viii CONTENTS

Explicit and Implicit Associations 90 VHeroic and Original, or Ugly and Ordinary 91

Ornament: Signs and Symbols, Denotation and Connotation, Heraldry and Physiognomy, Meaning and Expression 92

Vis Boring Architecture Interesting? 93

HISTORICAL AND OTHER PRECEDENTS: TOWARDS AN OLD ARCHITECTURE 104

/ Historical Symbolism and Modem Architecture 104 105V The Cathedral as Duck and Shed

Symbolic Evolution in Las Vegas 'l06 vThe Renaissance and the Decorated Shed 106

Nineteenth-Century Eclecticism 107 Modem Ornament 114 Ornament and Interior Space 115 The Las Vegas Strip 116 Urban Sprawl and the Megastructure 117

THEORY OF UGLY AND ORDINARY AND RELATED AND CONTRARY THEORIES 128 Origins and Further Definition of Ugly and Ordinary 128

.,y./ Ugly and Ordinary as Symbol and Style 129 Against Ducks, or Ugly and Ordinary over Heroic and Original, or Think Little 130 Theories of Symbolism and Association in Architecture 131

Firmness + Commodity '* Delight: Modem Architecture and the Industrial Vernacular 134 Industrial Iconography 135 Industrial Styling and the Cubist Model 136 Symbolism Unadmitted 137 From La Tourette to Neiman-Marcus 138

Slavish Formalism and Articulated Expressionism 138 Articulation as Ornament 139

Space as God 148 Megastructures and Design Control 148 Misplaced Technological Zeal 150 Which Technological Revolution? 151 Preindustrial Imagery for a Postindustrial Era 151

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CONTENTS i:c

V From La Tourette to Levittown 152 Silent -White-Majority Architecture 154

VSocial Architecture and Symbolism 155

High-Design Architecture 161

Summary 162

APPENDIX: ON DESIGN REVIEW BOARDS AND FINE ARTS COMMISSIONS 164

BIBLIOGRAPHY 167

CREDITS 190

COMMERCIAL VALUES AND COMMERCIAL METHODS 3

§ A SIGNIFICANCE FOR A&P PARKING LOTS, OR LEARNING FROM LAS VEGAS

"Substance for a writerconst'sts not merely of those realities he thinks he discovers; it consists even more of those realities which have been made available to him by the literature and idioms of his own day and by the images that still have vital£ty in the literature of the past. Stylistically, a writer can express his feeling about this substance either by imitation, if it sits well with him, or by parody, if it doesn't. "1

Learning from the existing landscape is a way of being revolutionary for an architect. Not the obvious way, which is to tear down Paris and begin again, as Le Corbusier suggested in the 19205, but another, more tolerant way; that is, to!Lueslion how we look at :l:biD~

The commercial strip, the Las Vegas Strip in particular-the example par excellence (Figs. 1 and 2)-challenges the architect to take a posi­

1tive, non-chip-on-the-shoulder view. Architects are out of the habit of ilooking nonjudgmentally at the ienvironment, because orthodox Mod­ .—­jem architecture is progressive, if not revolutionary, utopian, and puris­;tic; it is dissatisfied with existing conditions. l4Qdern arcbi(enl:!!c:J!-as ibee~anYthjngJLl!t_.P.ennissiy'C;.Arc:h}~e..ct~.shavvee p.rpreeIfeerrrreead t ctoo c~han~_!fie .exist!Pgeny.ir.onment ra!herJ;h~ enhan<:~~

But to gam 1nSfghtfrom the comiitoitplace is -nothing new: Fine art often follows folk art. Romantic architects of the eighteenth century discovered an existing and conventional rustic architecture. Early Mod­ern architects appropriated an existing and conventional industrial vocabulary without much adaptation. Le Corbusier loved grain eleva­tors and steamships; the Bauhaus looked like a factory; Mies refined the ;details of American steel factories for concrete buildings. Modern archi­.tects work through analogy, symbol, and image-although they have gone to lengths to disclaim almost all determinants of their forms ex­cept structural necessity and the program-aIJd they derive insights, analogies, and stimulation from unexpected images. There is a perver­sity in the learning process: We look backward at history and tradition .to go forward; we can also look downward to go upward. And with­holding judgment may be used as a tool to make later judgment more sensitive. This is a way of learning from everything.

§ COMMERCIAL VALVES AND COMMERCIAL METHODS

Las Vegas is analyzed here only as a phenomenon of architectural

§ See material under the corresponding heading in the Studio Notes section fol­lowing Part 1.

1. Richard Poirier, "T. S. Eliot and the Literature of Waste," The New Republic (May 20,1967), p. 21.

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6 LEARNING FROM LAS VEGAS

communication. Just as an an~s!s of the structure_9Lli:_9()thi_~£~!he­dral need not inC1iiae-acl.eOafe on:fuemoraJitYOfmedieval religion, 50­ias-Vei¥'svalues-are-norquestmned here. The morality oIci5m!!i~icI.31–­

a<!"~1s~g, iamb:ling-inrereSTs;-ancrtIiin~ompetitive1ristlrictls ngt_.at -_ ISsue here,·altlr~~tievert-mould-Ilem the architect's broaaer;synthetic tasks of which an analysis such as this is but one as­pect. The analysis of a drive-in church in this context would match that of a drive-in restaurant, because_ this is a study of method, not content. Analysis of one of the architectural variables in isolation from the others is a respectable scieI'l;tific and humanistic activity, so long as all

,are resynthesized in design. ~alysis of existing American urbanism isa i socially desirable activity to the extent that it teaches us architects to be more understanding and less authoritarian in the plans we make for both inner-city renewal and new development. In addition, there is no reason why the methods of commercial persuasion and the skyline of signs analyzed here should not serve thepurpose of civic and cultural ,enhancement. But this is not entirely up to the architect.

BILLBOARDS ARE ALMOST ALL RIGHT

Architects who can accept the lessons of primitive vernacular archi­tecture, so easy to take in an exhibit like "Architecture without Archi­tects," and of industrial, vernacular architecture, so easy to adapt to an electronic and space vernacular as elaborate neo-Brutalist or neo-Con­structivist megastructures, do not easily acknowledge the validity of the commercial vernacular. For the artist, creating the new may mean choosing the old or the existing. Pop artists have relearned this. Our ac­knowledgment of existing, comlJlerc:ialarchitecture at the scale oJ_~e higb.wa,yis_within thi~ tradition. — —- ­—Modern arChitecture has not so much excluded the commercial ver­—– —–=————.__..­ii~91la!"~J!·has–tne-at~_t:~_ejLgv_er .!>'yinvenfrogaIl4·.enforQmr!~t­nacular of itSown;-mlprovedand universal. It has rejected the combina­tion of fine art and crude art. The Italian landscape has always harmo­nized the vulgar and the Vitruvian: the contorni around the duomo, the portiere'S laundry across the padrone's portone, Supercortemaggiore against the Romanesque apse. Naked children have never played in our fountains, and I. M. Pei will never be happy on Route 66.

ARCHITECTURE AS SPACE

Architects have been bewitched by a single element of the Italian landscape: the piazza. Its traditional, pedestrian-scaled, and intricately enclosed space is easier to like than the spatial sprawl of Route 66 and

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:.i ". 7ARCHITECTURE AS SYMBOL

I ~ Los Angeles. Architects have been brought up on Space, and enclosed

space is the easiest to handle. During the last 40 years, theorists of Mod­em architecture (Wright and Le Corbusier sometimes excepted) have

I focused on space as the essential ingredient that separates architecture from painting, sculpture, and literature. T~ir definitions glory in the uniqueness of the medium; although sculpture ana-painting may some­

-.times-he.,!!lowed spatia)_E!Iaracteristics, -sc-ulptul"aJ.–()rplctonararcFiite~­ ture is unacceptable-becau~e ~paceis_sacied.· . – ­. Purist architecture was partly a reaction against nineteenth-century! eclecticism. Gothic churches, Renaissance banks, and Jacobean manorsi were frankly picturesque. The mixing of styles meant the mixing of

media. Dressed in historical styles, buildings evoked explicit associa­t tions and romantic allusions to the past to convey literary, ecclesiasti­cal, national, or programmatic symbolism. Defmitions of architecture as space and form at the service of program and structure were notf enough. The overlapping of disciplines may have diluted the architec­ture, but it enriched the meaning.t Modem architects abandoned a tradition of iconology in which paint­ing, sculpture, and graphics were combined with architecture. The deli­cate hieroglyphics on a bold pylon, the archetypal inscriptions of a Roman architrave, the mosaic processions in Sant'Apollinare, the ubiquitous tattoos over a Giotto Chapel, the enshrined hierarchies around a Gothic portal, even the illusionistic frescoes in a Venetian villa, all contain messages beyond their ornamental contribution to ar­chitectural space. The integration of the arts in Modem architecture has always been called a good thing. But one did not paint on Mies. Painted panels were floated independently of the structure by means of shadow joints; sculpture was in or near but seldom on the building. Objects of art were used to reinforce architectural space at the expense of their own content. The Kolb e in the Barcelona Pavilion was a foil to the directed spaces: The message was mainly architectural. The diminutive signs in most Modem buildings contained only the most necessary mes­sages, like LADIES, minor accents begrudgingly applied.

ARCHITECTURE AS SYMBOL

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Critics and historians, who documented the "decline of popular sym­bols" in art, supported orthodox Modern architects, who shunned sym­bolism of form as an expression or reinforcement of content: meaning was to be communicated, not through allusion to previously known forms, but through the inherent, physiognomic characteristics of form.

I! .The creation of architectural form was to be a logical process, free from !. images of past experience, determined solely by program and structure,

8 9

LEARNING FROM LAS VEGAS

'with an occasional assist, as Alan Colquhoun has suggested, l from in­tuition.

But some recent critics have questioned the possible level of content to be derived from abstract forms. Others have demonstrated that the functionalists, despite their protestations, derived a formal vocabulary of their own, mainly from current art movements and the industrial ver­nacular; and latter-day fonowers such as the Archigram group have turned, while similarly protesting, to Pop Art and the space industry. However, most critics have slighted a continuing iconology in popular commercial art, the persuasive heraldry that pervades our environment from the advertising pages of The New Yorker to the superbillboards of Houston. And their theory of the "debasement" of symbolic architec­ture in nineteenth-century eclecticism has blinded them to the value of

the representational architecture along highways. Those who acknowl­'edge this roadside eclecticism denigrate it, because it flaunts the cliche of a decade ago as well as the style of a century ago. But why not? Time travels fast today.

The Miami Beach Modem motel on a bleak stretch of highway in southern Delaware reminds jaded drivers of the welcome luxury of a tropical resort, persuading them, perhaps, to forgo the gracious planta­tion across the Virginia border called Motel Monticello. The real hotel in Miami alludes to the international stylishness of a Brazilian resort, which, in tum, derives from the International Style of middle Corbu. This evolution from the high source through the middle source to the low source took only 30 years. Today, the middle source, the neo­Eclectic architecture of the 1940s and the 1950s, is less interesting than its commercial adaptations. Roadside copies of Ed Stone are more in­teresting than the real Ed Stone.

§ SYMBOL IN SPACE BEFORE FORM IN SPACE: LAS VEGAS AS A COMMUNICATION SYSTEM

The sign for the Motel Monticello, a silhouette of an enormous Chip­pendale highboy, is visible on the highway before the motel itself. This architecture of styles and signs is antispatial;! it is an architecture of—* communication over space; communication dominates space as an ele­

, ment in the architecture and in the landscape (Figs. 1-6). But it is for a new scale of landscape. The philosophical associations of the old eclec­ticism evoked subtle and complex meanings to be savored in the docile spaces of a traditional landscape. The commercial persuasion of road­side eclecticism provokes bold impact in the vast and complex setting of a new landscape of big spaces, high speeds, and complex programs.

2. Alan Colquhoun, "Typology and Design Method/' Arena, Journal of the Archi­tectural Association (June 1967), pp. 11-14.

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"i THE ARCHITECTURE OF PERSUASION" !

I Styles and signs make connections among many elements, far apart and ! seen fast. The message is basely commercial; the context is basicallyr, new.!

A driver 30 years ago could maintain a sense of orientation in space. At the simple crossroad a little sign with an arrow confirmed what was obvious. One knew where one was. When the crossroads becomes a cloverleaf, one must tum right to tum left, a contradiction poignantly evoked in the print by Allan D'Arcangelo (Fig. 7). But the driver has no time to ponder paradoxical subtleties within a dangerous, sinuous maze. He or she relies on signs for guidance-enormous signs in vast spaces at high speeds.

The dominance of signs over space at a pedestrian scale occurs in big airports. Circulation in a big railroad station required little more than a simple axial system from taxi to train, by ticket window, stores, waiting

Iroom, and platform-all virtually without signs. Architects object to Il signs in buildings: "If the plan is clear, you can see where to go." But if complex programs and settings require complex combinations of media .i beyond the purer architectural triad of structure, form, and light at theI: service of space. They suggest an architecture of bold communication Ii rather than one of subtle expression.

i § THE ARCHITECTURE OF PERSUASION

The cloverleaf and airport communicate with moving crowds in cars or on foot for efficiency and safety. But words and symbols may be used in space for commercial persuasion (Figs. 6, 28). The Middle Eastern bazaar contains no signs; the Strip is virtually all signs (Fig. 8). In the bazaar, communication works through proximity. Along its nar­row aisles, buyers feel and smen the. merchandise, and the merchant ap­plies explicit oral persuasion. In the narrow streets of the medieval town, although signs occur, persuasion is mainly through the sight and smell of the real cakes through the doors and windows of the bakery. On Main Street, shop-window displays for pedestrians along the side­walks and exterior signs, perpendicular to the street for motorists, dom­inate the scene almost equally.

On the commercial strip the supermarket windows contain no mer­chandise. There may be signs announcing the day's bargains, but they are to be ~ead by pedestrians approaching from the parking lot. The building itself is set back from the highway and half hidden, as is most of the urban environment, by parked cars (Fig. 9). The vast park~g Io!,.

. is i.nJ~nt, not,!'l.L~he rear, since it is a symbol as welLllL~!;~:mvenil!!l~I!"" The buildh1gTs 10w-becai:iSelUr~condiiioniD.g -demaxids low spaces, and merchandising techniques discourage second floors; its architecture is neutral because it can hardly be seen from the road. Both merchandise

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6. Night messages, Las Vegas 7. Allan D ' ArcangeIo, Th e Trip

DIRECTIONAL SPACE SPACE· SCALE SPEED SYMBOL

IIgn-syrrOaI · bldg ratio

EASTER N BAZAAR 3 M.P.Il –h • MEDIEVAL STREET ~ a3 M.P.Il •

MAIN STREET 3 M.P.H. 20 M.P.Il

=1.3 W • COMMERCIAL STRIP ~ ~ 3S M.P.Il & $W.

THE STRIP W W r—t… 3S M.P.H. ~W.• SHOPPING CEHTBI· 3 MP.H. Wrr=~ SOM.P.H.

8 . A comparative analysis of directional spaces

r 9. Parking lot of a suburban supermarket

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LEARNING FROM LAS VEGAS

and architecture are disconnected from the road. The big sign leaps to connect the driver to the store, and down the road the cake mixes and detergents are advertised by their national manufacturers on enormous billboards inflected toward the highway. Th~ _ gr.~hic sign in space has become the architecture of this lan~~gs.~O, 11). InsIde, the A&P h~excep~~t _gr_~~<: packalti!!.g_has re­praceatne or~SlOn of the mercnant. At another scale, the shop· plngcenfer off the nignwayreturns-i11itSpedestrian malls to the medie­val street.

§ VAST SPACE IN THE HISTORICAL TRADITION AND AT THE A&P

The A&P parking lot is a current phase in the evolution of vast space since Versailles (Fig. 12). The space that divides high-speed highway and low, sparse buildings produces no enclosure and Ii ttle direction. To move through a piazza is to move between high enclosing forms. To move through this landscape is to move over vast expansive texture: the mega texture of the commercial landscape. The parking lot is the parterre of the asphalt landscape (Fig. 13). The patterns of parking lines give direction much as the paving patterns, curbs, borders, and tapis vert give direction in Versailles; grids of lamp posts substitute for obelisks, rows of urns and statues as points of identity and continuity in the vast space. But it is the highway' _signs,___thr.ough_their sculptural " forms or pictorial silhouettes,- iheir particular positions in space, their inflected shapes , and their graphic meanings, that identify and unify the mega texture. They make verbal and symbolic connections through space, communicating a complexity of meanings through hundreds of——-k associations in few seconds from far away. Symbol dominates space. Architecture is not enough. Because the spatial relationships are made by symbols more than by forms, architecture in this landscape becomes .. ,:symbol in space rather than form in space. Architecture defines very little: The big sign and the little building is the rule of Route 6'6.

TM–sig!!.~1J1o.re…il1!P0rtant than the architectur~. This is reflected in the proprietor'S budgeCTfie sigrl–ati:he ~IS· ,a v~gar extravaganza, the building at the back, a modest necessity. The architecture is what is cheap. Sometimes the building is the sign: ThecruckSTore~i!!Jh.~ -shape­~arrea-"'TI1e–r:ongrsrand–UUCKIJ.ng,f'(Figs.l4~ 15) is seulp-; ­ttffiiTs ymoorand -architectutal.-·shelter_ Contracliction between outside and inside was common in architecture before the Modem movement, _particularly i!l ur:~ _~_~d !!.J:()n_umenta,I architecture. (_fig. 16). ]5aroq~e domes were sym!:>ols as well as spatial cori_~trU€ti0ns;-arrcl the.Y-<lFeblggei-· in scaleilJid -higher ou tside- thaiI insiOeln order to dominate their urban ' setting and communicate their symbolic message. The false fronts of

14 1 15 I

VAST SPACE~,i1tlll SPACE·SCALE SYMBOL

symbol word architecture S W .. elements

statues-urns VERSAILLES )! c '" –:J! I !;, ! nI:: ~ .. fountains

partere curbs ~ trees

ENGUSH GARDEN –, ~ ~dS2" = != ~ runes temples of love

BROADACRE CITY LEVITTOWN .. usonian houses -~ Q ­

ranch houses

"'" RAD"US< ____ • proto-megastructuresn –

n HIGHWAY INTERCHANGE w w w green signs

'IL~ IN ~ ~WIIIITHE STRIP see other topics

SPACE·SCALE·SPEEO·SYMBOL 12. A comparative analysis of vast spaces

16

1 14. "The Long Island Duckling" from God's Own Junkyard

17

BtG SIGH – UTTLE BUILDING

OR

BUILDING IS SIGN

15 . Big sign·little building or building as sign

SCALE SPEED SYMBOL

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•• ..,) , {AMIENS m enclosed space • .A ,.,

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.ost·space • 0 A'­LAS VEGAS • IIUI ~ I connector VV.

18 19 FROM ROME TO LAS VEGAS

Western stores did the same thing: They were bigger and taller than the interiors they fronted to communicate the store's importance and to

tenhance the quality and unity of the street. But false fronts are of the order and scale of Main Street. From the desert town on the highway in the West of today, we can learn new and vivid lessons about an impure

i. architecture of communication. The little low buildings, gray-brown like the desert, separate and recede from the street that is now the high­way, their false fronts disengaged and turned perpendicular to the high­way as big, high signs. If you take the signs away, there is no place. The desert town is intensified communication along the highway.

FROM ROME TO LAS VEGAS

Las Vegas is the apotheosis of the desert town. Visiting Las Vegas in the mid-1960s was like visiting Rome in the late 1940s. For young Americans in the 1940s, familiar only with the auto-scaled, gridiron city and the antiurban theories of the previous architectural generation, the traditional urban spaces, the pedestrian scale, and the mixtures, yet continuities, of styles of the Italian piazzas were a significant revelation. They rediscovered the piazza. Two decades later architects are perhaps ready for similar lessons about large open space, big scale, and high speed. Las Vegas is to the Strip what Rome is to the Piazza.

There are other parallels between Rome and Las Vegas: their expan­sive settings in the Campagna and in the Mojave Desert, for instance, that tend to focus and clarify their images. On the other hand, Las Vegas was built in a day, or rather, the Strip was developed in a virgin desert in a short time. It was not superimposed on an older pattern as were the pilgrim's Rome of the Counter-Reformation and the commer­cial strips of eastern cities, and it is therefore easier to study. _~<ic:h city

js an archetype ratherthan a prototype, an exaggerated example from which to derive lessons for the tyPical. Each city vividly superimposes

"elements of a supranational scale on the local fabric: churches in the re­::ligious capital, casinos and their signs in the entertainment capital. 'These cause violent juxtapositions of use and scale in both cities. Rome's churches, off streets and piazzas, are open to the public; the pilgrim, religious or architectural, can walk from church to church. The gambler or architect in Las Vegas can similarly take in a variety of casinos along the Strip. The casinos and lobbies of Las Vegas are orna­mental and monumental and open to the promenading public; a few old banks and railroad stations excepted, they are unique in American cities. NoIli's map of the mid-eighteenth century reveals the sensitive and complex connections between public and private space in Rome (Fig. 17). Private building is shown in gray crosshatching that is carved into by the public spaces, exterior and interior. These spaces, open or

LEARNING FROM LAS VEGAS

roofed, are shown in minute detail through darker poche. Interiors of churches read like piazzas and courtyards of palaces, yet a variety of qualities and scales is articulated.

§ MAPS OF LAS VEGAS

A "Nolli" map of the Las Vegas Strip reveals and clarifies what is public and what is private, but here the scale is enlarged by the inclu­sion of the parking lot, and the solid-to-void ratio is reversed by the open spaces of the desert. Mapping the Nolli components from an aerial photograph provides an intriguing crosscut of Strip systems (Fig. 18) .

. These components, separated and redefined, could be undeveloped land, asphalt, autos, buildings, and ceremonial space (Figs. 19 a-e). Re­assembled, they describe the Las Vegas equivalent of the pilgrims' way, although the description, like Nolli's map, misses the iconological dimensions of the experience (Fig. 20).

A conventional land-use map of Las Vegas can show the overall struc­ture of commercial use in the city as it relates to other uses but none of the detail of use type or intensity. "Land-use" maps of the insides of casino complexes, however, begin to suggest the systematic planning that all casinos share (Fig. 21). Strip "address" and "establishment" maps can depict both intensity and variety of use (Fig. 22). Distribu­tion maps show patterns of, for example, churches, and food stores (Figs. 24, 25) that Las Vegas shares with other cities and those such as wedding chapels and auto rental stations (Figs. 26, 27) that are Strip­oriented and unique. It is extremely hard to suggest the atmospheric qualities of Las Vegas, because these are primarily dependent on watts (Fig. 23), animation, and iconology; however, "message maps," tourist maps, and brochures suggest some ofit (Figs. 28, 71).

§ MAIN STREET AND THE STRIP

A street map of Las Vegas reveals two scales of) movement within the gridiron plan: that of Main Street and that of the Strip (Figs. 29, 30). The main street of Las Vegas is Fremont Street, and the earlier of two concentrations of casinos is located along three of four blocks of this street (Fig. 31). The casinos here are bazaarlike in the immediacy to the sidewalk of their clicking and tinkling gambling machines (Fig. 32). The Fremont Street casinos and hotels focus on the railroad depot at the head of the street; here the railroad and main street scales of movement connect. The depot building is now gone, replaced by a hotel, and the bus station is now the busier entrance to town, but the axial focus on the railroad depot from Fremont Street was visual, and possibly sym­

88

74. Road scene from God's Own Junkyard

73. "Long Island Duckling" from God's Own Junkyard

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t>ECOR..ATt=D 'SHEDDUCK 76. Decorated shed

75. Duck